By Birgit van der Lans
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| At Persepolis. Photo: Magnus Halsnes |
Last month NeRoNE went to Iran, where
many of our individual interests came together.
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| Relief IV at Bishapur. Photo: Magnus Halsnes |
A good example is this Sasanian rock
relief, located in the Tang-e Chowgang river gorge on the road leading to the
city of Bishapur. Bishapur was founded by Shapur I and built by Roman soldiers
who had been captured after the defeat of Valerian in 260 CE. The relief above,
however, was commissioned by one of Shapur’s successors, Bahram II (276 – 294
CE). It depicts the arrival of an Arabian embassy at the Sasanian court,
bringing two Arabian one-humped camels, also known as Camelus dromedarius, as diplomatic gifts. The six delegates are
ushered in by a Persian courtier while Bahram rides to receive them seated on
his horse.
The Arabian origin of the six envoys
was already established in 19th century French descriptions of the
Bishapur reliefs. Their long, belted garments, short moustaches, characteristic
head-cloths as well as the dromedaries all point in the geographical direction
of the Arabian desert. It is possible to be more specific about the provenance
of the embassy and about its date and occasion if a recent suggestion is followed that the relief depicts the coming of a
Himyarite embassy sent by king Shammar Yuhar’ish (287 – 311 CE). In the course
of his rule South Arabia was unified under the kingdom of Himyar. Shammar
Yuhar’ish is also reported to have established closer diplomatic relations with
the Sasanians, presumably in order to support his position vis-à-vis his
Ethiopian rivals at Axum, who were in turn backed by Rome. For the otherwise
not very successful Bahram II, to depict the arrival of the Himyarite embassy,
if this identification is correct, was to publicise a Sasanian step forward in
the competition with Rome over influence in the Red Sea region.
This was not the only instance we
saw of camels with one or two humps being presented to Persian rulers. In
various ways the iconography of the Sasanian reliefs harks back to the stone
carvings with which their Achaemenid predecessors represented their dynasty (c.
700 – 330 BCE), cut out of natural rock formations or the stone palace walls of
Persepolis.
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a) Bactrian camel with Bactrians
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| b) Arabian camel (dromedary) with Arabs. Photos: Birgit van der Lans |
Here the eastern stairs of the Apadana feature several camels being
presented to the great king at the occasion of the New Year’s festival by
delegations of nations subject to the Persian empire: the Bactrians, Arians,
Parthians and Arachosians bring Bactrian two-humped camels (fig. a) while the
Arabian team brings along a dromedary (fig. b).
The appearance of camels and
dromedaries on such reliefs is not difficult to explain. After their
domestication in the early first millennium BCE the animals became crucial to the development of long-distance trade because of their ability to carry substantial loads
and to travel long distances in arid regions. Camels thus became valuable
commodities to those who herded them and to those who obtained them. The
association with the caravan trade turned them into symbols of wealth. Especially fine animals could fetch high prices, bring prestige to owners
and make good diplomatic gifts.
Yet value and meaning depend on the
context of representation. As on Bahram’s relief at Bishapur, the envoys in
Persepolis are led by the hand by a courtier, in this case towards the audience
hall where they would be received by the king. They are dressed in native
outfits and carry objects and animals that represent their origins. Despite
these similarities in iconography, the Persepolis camels are classified as
‘tribute’ rather than as ‘diplomatic gifts’.
Although it probably did not matter
much to the camels themselves, it did make a difference whether they were handed
over as tribute or as gifts. The two types of exchange expressed and
constituted different types of social relations and distributions of power. Objects
that function as tribute signal an asymmetrical hierarchy of power between
rulers on the one hand and subjects, clients or vassals on the other. Whereas
tribute displays submission and can be demanded or imposed, diplomatic gifts
are associated with the voluntary and reciprocal exchange between equal or
nominally independent agents.
Despite its importance, the
distinction between tribute and gift (and booty, for that matter) could be
difficult to make out in individual cases, for instance when the context of
exchange is not articulated and all that survives are the (mostly material)
objects themselves. Moreover, the meaning of the exchanged goods and – by proxy
– the underlying social relations were subject to negotiation and rhetorical manipulation.
Some good examples can be found in Marian Feldman’s study of luxury goods
in the diplomatic exchange in the Late Bronze Age Mediterranean. She shows that goods could be called gifts even
though they amounted to tribute in the reality of power relations, while
conversely they could be presented as tribute when they had been intended as
gifts. The Amarna archive provides perhaps the best illustration of the
sensitivities when the distinction was misrepresented or ignored. In one letter
the king of Babylon complains that the Egyptian pharaoh had displayed the
Babylonian chariots he had sent as diplomatic gifts alongside chariots which the
pharaoh had acquired as tribute from Egyptian vassals. Here, failing to
distinguish between tribute and gift amounts to a public humiliation (EA 1: 89-92; correspondence between Kadasman-Enlil
I and Amenhotep III).
Classifying diplomatic gifts is an
intricate art. Even when camels are not confused with dromedaries and gifts are
correctly distinguished from tribute, the camel may still end up as dinner.
